Scoring methodology

How we scored them

Every score is an editorial assessment, not a neutral algorithm. We chose the dimensions, we set the weights, we made the calls. The methodology is published here so you can disagree with us — or use it to do your own assessment.

Scores are 1–10 per dimension. The overall is a weighted mean, not a simple average. Independence carries double weight because in a US-initiated war, the single most important question about any aid organisation is whether US foreign policy can affect where it operates, who it serves, or what it says.

Efficiency
×1
What percentage of income reaches field programmes? Overhead ratio, admin costs, fundraising spend. Sources: audited annual reports, Charity Navigator, Charity Intelligence.
Why ×1: Important but not weighted higher because very high efficiency scores can indicate under-investment in quality, monitoring, and local staff development.
Efficacy
×1.5
Documented, measurable impact. Peer-reviewed outcomes where available. IATI reporting quality. Independent evaluations. This is about whether the work actually works.
Why ×1.5: Scale matters less than results. An org reaching fewer people with proven outcomes outperforms a large org with unmeasured activity.
Access
×1.5
Operational reach inside active conflict zones. For this conflict specifically: Iran, Iraq, the Strait of Hormuz corridor, Palestine. Can they actually get there?
Why ×1.5: For an Iran-focused conflict, operational access inside Iran or in conflict-adjacent zones is a non-trivial threshold. Many orgs simply cannot operate there.
History
×1
Track record, accountability, and how the org has responded to failures. Past scandals, safeguarding record, and how leadership handled documented problems.
Why ×1: Every org has had failures. What matters more is how they were handled than the existence of the failure itself.
Independence
×2
Freedom from donor-government pressure. Government funding ratio, earmarking restrictions, refusal of belligerent-state funds. Structural, not rhetorical independence.
Why ×2: In a US-initiated conflict, an org with 40–80% US government funding cannot credibly claim independence. Your donation may simply be substituting for reduced US aid, not adding to it — or worse, the org's operations may be shaped by the politics of the conflict.
Counterfactual
×1.5
Does your marginal donation actually change outcomes? Is the org underfunded relative to need (high counterfactual) or well-resourced by governments and institutions (low counterfactual)?
Why ×1.5: This question — "would something bad happen without my £20?" — is the core of effective giving. An org that's already fully funded by Germany and the EU gives your donation a lower lever.
Alignment
×1
Consistency with our stated editorial position: pro-sovereignty, anti-militarist, critical of imperial power projection. Does the org's framing and advocacy match?
Why ×1: We are explicit about our position, so alignment is a dimension — but we didn't weight it highest. An org doing exceptional, independent work that stays neutral still deserves high overall scores.
Weighted formula
Overall = (Efficiency×1 + Efficacy×1.5 + Access×1.5 + History×1 + Independence×2 + Counterfactual×1.5 + Alignment×1) ÷ 9.5
Sources used in scoring: GiveWell research reports · Charity Navigator financial grades · Charity Intelligence Canada ratings · IATI Aid Transparency Index · Published annual reports and audited financial statements (all orgs, 2022–2024) · ACLED conflict access data · UN OCHA operational presence mapping · Brown University Costs of War project · Editorial assessment on independence and alignment where noted
Comparative view

Six orgs, side by side

Organisation Overall Efficiency
×1
Efficacy
×1.5
Access
×1.5
History
×1
Independence
×2
Counterfact.
×1.5
Alignment
×1
MSF 9.1 8.59.59.8 9.29.89.09.5
ICRC 8.3 8.08.89.5 9.07.58.57.8
UNRWA 7.9 7.08.58.8 7.57.29.28.8
Islamic Relief 7.8 8.27.88.5 7.58.88.08.5
War Child 7.6 8.07.57.2 7.88.57.58.0
PAX 7.4 7.27.06.5 7.89.07.59.5
Epistemic honesty

What this can't tell you

Known limitations of this scoring
These scores are based on publicly available data. Orgs with poor transparency are penalised in dimension scores, but we cannot see what we cannot see. Internal operations may differ from published reports.
All assessments were made before the conflict reached its current intensity. Access conditions in Iran, Iraq, and the Strait corridor are changing faster than annual reports can capture.
The Alignment dimension reflects our editorial position explicitly. If you disagree with our political framing, reweight or remove this dimension from your own calculation.
We have not contacted any of these organisations for comment or prior to scoring. These scores are independent editorial assessments. Orgs may dispute them.
Scores are not financial advice. Donating to any of these organisations carries no guarantee of outcomes. Humanitarian operations in active conflicts are subject to access restrictions, security incidents, and political interference beyond anyone's control.
Profile 01 / 06

Médecins Sans Frontières — MSF

#1 ranked · Highest overall score
Médecins Sans Frontières
Doctors Without Borders · Founded 1971 · Paris
9.1
/10
Weighted overall
🌍 Iran · Middle East · 75+ countries
Emergency medicine
Est. 1971
MSF is the benchmark. The organisation was founded explicitly on a principle of témoignage — bearing witness and speaking out — which distinguishes it from orgs that provide aid while staying silent about who is causing the harm. It operates emergency medical programmes in more than 75 countries, with active presence in Iran and across the wider Middle East conflict corridor.

In 2024, MSF raised €2.36 billion. 98% came from 7.1 million individual donors and private foundations — not governments. That funding base is structurally the most important fact about MSF. It means no government can cut a cheque and expect operational influence. In 2024, MSF's programmes allocated 63% directly to humanitarian programmes, with another 12% to programme support, and only 3% to awareness-raising. Programme spending has exceeded 86% of total expenditure over the past decade.

MSF has explicitly condemned US military operations including in Iran and has documented strikes on its own facilities and staff. It does not accept funding from any government party to an active conflict it is responding to. When the US and Saudi Arabia offered to fund MSF Yemen operations, MSF refused.
Efficiency
8.5
×1
Efficacy
9.5
×1.5
Access
9.8
×1.5
History
9.2
×1
Independence
9.8
×2 ★
Counterfact.
9.0
×1.5
Alignment
9.5
×1
Efficiency8.586%+ of expenditure to programme work across a decade. 20% total overhead per Charity Intelligence Canada. Slightly lower than some specialist orgs because of the scale and complexity of MSF's operations — logistics, security, and field medical costs are genuinely high. Not penalised for complexity.
Efficacy9.516.5 million outpatient consultations in 2024. 2.5 million emergency admissions. Documented outcomes in conflict zones where no other medical presence exists. Peer-reviewed public health literature consistently cites MSF operations as evidence of effective conflict-zone medicine. The highest efficacy score in this set.
Access9.8Active operations in Iran before and during the conflict. Presence in Iraq, Yemen, Gaza, and the wider Levant. MSF has a documented record of maintaining operations in contexts where every other international organisation has pulled out. The near-perfect access score reflects this.
History9.2Founded in 1971. Responded to multiple controversies — including questions over Rwanda and Bosnia — through public reflection and policy change. Nobel Peace Prize 1999. Staff killed in MSF Kunduz hospital strike 2015: MSF publicly demanded an independent investigation. Accountability culture is strong.
Independence9.898% private funding. Structural policy of refusing government funding from conflict belligerents. This is not a pledge — it is embedded in MSF's charter and enforced operationally. The highest independence score in this set by a significant margin.
Counterfactual9.0Despite scale, MSF is chronically underfunded relative to operational need. The 2024 report notes active funding shortfalls across Sudan, DRC, and Yemen operations. Individual donations directly expand capacity in ways that government grants cannot substitute. Counterfactual value is high.
Alignment9.5MSF publicly condemned the US-Iran strikes, documented civilian casualties in Iran, and continues to call for access. The organisation's témoignage principle means it speaks when most humanitarian orgs stay silent. Near-perfect alignment with our framing.
MSF International Financial Report 2024 MSF International Activity Report 2024 Charity Intelligence Canada — MSF rating 2024 MSF funding policy statement MSF Iran operational updates 2026
Profile 02 / 06

International Committee of the Red Cross — ICRC

#2 ranked · Unique legal mandate
Int'l Committee of the Red Cross
ICRC · Founded 1863 · Geneva
8.3
/10
Weighted overall
🌍 Iran · Global conflict zones
IHL mandate · Detainees · POWs
Est. 1863
The ICRC has something no other humanitarian organisation has: a legal mandate under international humanitarian law. All parties to the Geneva Conventions — including both the US and Iran — have legal obligations to accept ICRC access to detainees, POWs, and civilian populations in occupied areas. This gives the ICRC access that no other organisation can claim by mandate rather than negotiation.

The critical tension: 82% of ICRC funding comes from governments, primarily the US, EU member states, and a small group of 18 principal donors who provide 90%+ of field contributions. This creates a structural independence problem that the ICRC manages through strict operational policies — it refuses funding that comes with programme earmarks that would compromise neutrality, and it does not accept funds from governments that would compromise its access to the other side of a conflict.

The ICRC budget fell from 2.8 billion CHF in 2023 to 2.1 billion CHF in 2024 — a significant cut driven by reduced US and European contributions. This makes individual donations more counterfactually significant than in previous years.
Efficiency
8.0
×1
Efficacy
8.8
×1.5
Access
9.5
×1.5
History
9.0
×1
Independence
7.5
×2 ★
Counterfact.
8.5
×1.5
Alignment
7.8
×1
Efficiency8.0CHF 1.69 billion in field expenditure against CHF 2.1 billion appeal (95% implementation rate in 2024). Headquarters costs are proportionally higher than MSF because of the legal and diplomatic infrastructure the mandate requires. This is justified complexity. Not penalised for it.
Efficacy8.8Unique access to detainees and POWs that no other org has. Protection monitoring, family tracing, and civilian harm documentation happen through ICRC where they happen at all. High efficacy in areas that are otherwise completely invisible to international actors.
Access9.5Legal mandate under the Geneva Conventions creates access by right, not by permission. The ICRC has maintained presence in Iran and negotiated access in the Strait corridor even during active hostilities. Second only to MSF in real-world conflict access.
History9.0160+ years of operation. Challenged appropriately when access was denied — including documented criticism of the US detention system at Guantanamo, Iraqi facilities, and Israeli military detention. Institutional accountability is robust. Some criticism of slow Holocaust response in WWII is historically fair but not relevant to current operations.
Independence7.582% government funding is the most significant constraint. The ICRC's policy of refusing earmarked donations that compromise neutrality partially mitigates this — but structural dependency on belligerent-state governments limits the independence score. This is why ICRC ranks below MSF despite superior access.
Counterfactual8.5The 25% budget cut in 2024 means the ICRC is genuinely resource-constrained for the first time in years. Staff cuts of 4,000. Delegations scaling back. Individual donations now have a higher counterfactual impact than they did in 2022–2023 when government funding was at peak levels.
Alignment7.8The ICRC's mandate requires strict neutrality — it does not make political judgments about which party bears greater responsibility. This is the necessary cost of maintaining access to all parties. Alignment score reflects our recognition that this neutrality is structurally required, not a failure of politics.
ICRC Annual Report 2024 (Financial) ICRC Funding and Spending — official statement ICRC Budget 2024 — CHF 2.1 billion appeal ICRC 2023–24 austerity measures announcement
Profile 03 / 06

UNRWA — UN Relief & Works Agency

#3 ranked · Highest counterfactual score
UNRWA
UN Relief & Works Agency for Palestine Refugees · Founded 1949
7.9
/10
Weighted overall
🌍 Palestine · Jordan · Lebanon · Syria · West Bank
Refugees · Education · Healthcare
Est. 1949 · UN mandate
UNRWA is the largest humanitarian operation in the Middle East. It serves nearly 6 million Palestinian refugees across Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria — providing healthcare, education, and emergency relief. It employs over 30,000 staff, the overwhelming majority of them Palestinian.

The US defunded UNRWA in 2024, citing Israeli intelligence allegations that 12 UNRWA employees (out of 30,000+) were involved in the October 7 attack. The Financial Times and Channel 4 both reported that the Israeli intelligence document provided no actual evidence for the claims. The UN's independent Colonna Review found UNRWA had management issues but confirmed its essential mandate. Every other major donor except the US resumed funding. The US has remained the sole holdout.

This matters directly for counterfactual scoring: a US donor's contribution to UNRWA is no longer substituting for US government funds — those are gone. Individual donations from US donors are now genuinely closing a funding gap that the world's largest historical UNRWA donor has refused to fill. At least 58% of INGOs operating in Gaza report they cannot function without UNRWA's infrastructure. Your donation to UNRWA is not just to UNRWA — it partially sustains the wider Gaza aid architecture.
Efficiency
7.0
×1
Efficacy
8.5
×1.5
Access
8.8
×1.5
History
7.5
×1
Independence
7.2
×2 ★
Counterfact.
9.2
×1.5
Alignment
8.8
×1
Efficiency7.0UN agency overhead is real and unavoidable. UNRWA's large administrative footprint (education, healthcare systems, not just emergency response) means efficiency ratios look lower than they are when measured against the full scope of what UNRWA delivers. Not penalised for being a social infrastructure organisation rather than an emergency one.
Efficacy8.5UNRWA operates 700+ schools, 140+ health facilities, and delivers food assistance at scale that no other organisation approaches in Gaza and the West Bank. Efficacy is high because it provides services that no alternative provides — absence of UNRWA means absence of the service, full stop.
Access8.8Deep structural integration into Palestinian civilian infrastructure means access that is different in kind from MSF or ICRC — not emergency access in an active conflict but the baseline social infrastructure. Operational presence in Gaza is challenged by active bombardment but maintained.
History7.575 years of operation, overwhelmingly creditable. The 2024 allegations were handled with "reverse due process" by UNRWA leadership's own admission — staff were dismissed before investigation completed. The Colonna Review recommended management reforms. History is strong; recent crisis management has been uneven.
Independence7.2UNRWA is a UN agency — structurally dependent on member state contributions. The defunding crisis demonstrated exactly how political this dependency is. Historically the US was the largest donor, giving Washington leverage. That leverage was exercised. Independence score is limited by this structural fact despite UNRWA's operational and programmatic independence from any single government.
Counterfactual9.2Highest counterfactual score in the set. The US defunding has created a direct, unfilled gap. All other donor countries have resumed funding — but the US gap has not been closed. Every non-US donor dollar goes further than before. And because 58%+ of Gaza INGOs depend on UNRWA infrastructure, your donation multiplies across the entire aid ecosystem.
Alignment8.8UNRWA's mandate is explicitly to serve Palestinian refugees — a population created by and still subject to the same imperial dynamics we are critiquing. The political attacks on UNRWA are themselves evidence of alignment: those who most want to undermine Palestinian sovereignty are the same forces who defunded this agency.
UNRWA official financials 2023 Colonna Review (UN Independent Panel) 2024 Human Rights Watch — US/UK UNRWA funding, July 2024 The Intercept — Congress defunding analysis, March 2024 FCNL — UNRWA Emergency Restoration Act analysis Joint NGO Statement on UNRWA, February 2024
Profile 04 / 06

Islamic Relief — Worldwide

#4 ranked · Most under-represented in Western fundraising
Islamic Relief Worldwide
IRW · Founded 1984 · Birmingham, UK
7.8
/10
Weighted overall
🌍 Iran · Middle East · Central Asia · Africa
Emergency & development
Est. 1984 · Only Muslim DEC member
Islamic Relief is a leading international NGO founded in 1984 with a specific focus on Muslim-majority communities in the Middle East, Central Asia, and Africa. In 2023 it raised £183 million and responded to the Türkiye-Syria earthquake, Libya floods, Sudan crisis, and Gaza escalation simultaneously.

It is the only Muslim charity that is a full DEC (Disasters Emergency Committee) member — which places it in the same accountability tier as Oxfam, MSF, and Save the Children for major UK emergency appeals. It is independently certified against the Core Humanitarian Standard (CHS), the most rigorous independent audit available in the humanitarian sector, and has been recertified consistently.

Islamic Relief has genuine operational access in Iran-proximate regions, a funding base that is largely community-driven rather than Western-government-dependent, and a track record in complex Middle East and Central Asia emergencies. It is significantly under-represented in Western donation behaviour relative to its actual operational reach and quality.
Efficiency
8.2
×1
Efficacy
7.8
×1.5
Access
8.5
×1.5
History
7.5
×1
Independence
8.8
×2 ★
Counterfact.
8.0
×1.5
Alignment
8.5
×1
Efficiency8.2Strong efficiency profile. CHS-certified, publicly audited annual reports for the UK entity (Registered Charity No. 328158). Income-to-programme ratio is competitive with sector peers. The federated structure means some funds pass through member offices, adding a layer of complexity to tracking, but transparency is high.
Efficacy7.8Solid documented outcomes but less independently verified than MSF or ICRC. CHS certification requires outcome monitoring, and Islamic Relief publishes reach data. Impact per dollar is harder to assess than for specialist emergency orgs because IRW does both emergency and development programming.
Access8.5Strong access in Iran-proximate regions including Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq. Community relationships built over 40 years give Islamic Relief access that Western-flagged organisations cannot replicate. Operations in Gaza and Yemen maintained under difficult conditions.
History7.5Founded 1984, 40 years of operation without major scandal. Some historic governance questions around board composition have been addressed — the 2022 Annual Report notes movement toward independent board members. No safeguarding crises of the scale seen at Oxfam or Save the Children.
Independence8.8Primarily community-funded. No structural US government dependency. The community-of-faith funding model means donor base is largely Muslim diaspora globally — not subject to Western government foreign policy pressures in the same way as USAID-adjacent NGOs. Second highest independence score in the set after MSF.
Counterfactual8.0Consistently underfunded relative to the scope of its operations — £183 million for responses including Türkiye-Syria earthquake and Gaza simultaneously is stretched. Non-Muslim donors are largely absent from its fundraising base, meaning there is significant room for new donor contributions to expand capacity.
Alignment8.5Explicitly pro-sovereignty and human rights oriented in its advocacy. Directly serves populations most harmed by Western military operations in the Middle East and Central Asia. Strong alignment with our framing on whose interests humanitarian aid should serve.
IRW Annual Report & Financial Statements 2023 IRW Global Reach, Impact and Learning Report 2023 CHS certification audit 2023 DEC member status — public record
Profile 05 / 06

War Child — International

#5 ranked · Best pick if children are your priority
War Child
War Child Alliance · Founded 1993 (UK) / 1995 (NL)
7.6
/10
Weighted overall
🌍 Middle East · Africa · 14 conflict countries
Child protection · Education · Psychosocial
War Child Alliance est. 2024
War Child focuses exclusively on children in conflict zones — child protection, education, and psychosocial support. The organisation reached 361,274 children in 2023 in some of the most difficult operating environments including remote Afghanistan and frontline Ukraine.

In 2024, War Child UK, War Child Holland, War Child Sweden, War Child Germany, and Children in Conflict (USA) merged their programme delivery into the War Child Alliance — a new foundation that handles implementation across 14 countries. The separate entities continue as fundraising organisations. This restructure is designed to reduce duplication and increase scale. It is too early to assess the Alliance model's overhead impact.

War Child's financial profile is strong: 82 cents per dollar to programmes (18% overhead) per Charity Intelligence Canada, rating of High for demonstrated impact. The Canada chapter is a Charity Intelligence 2025 Top 100 Rated Charity. The independence profile is also clean — no significant US government funding dependency.
Efficiency
8.0
×1
Efficacy
7.5
×1.5
Access
7.2
×1.5
History
7.8
×1
Independence
8.5
×2 ★
Counterfact.
7.5
×1.5
Alignment
8.0
×1
Efficiency8.082 cents per dollar to programmes. 18% overhead. Charity Intelligence Canada rates it High for demonstrated impact. These are strong numbers for a child-focused NGO operating in very high-cost conflict environments.
Efficacy7.5361,274 children reached in 2023 with documented education and psychosocial support. Good results reporting (B+ grade from Charity Intelligence). Harder to measure psychosocial outcomes with precision than, say, medical interventions — not penalised for this, but it limits the score relative to MSF and ICRC.
Access7.2Strong access in Afghanistan, Ukraine, DRC, and Middle East. Access in Iran specifically is more limited than MSF or ICRC. Child-focused mandate also limits access types — War Child cannot work in the same emergency medical contexts as MSF.
History7.8Founded 1993. Strong track record in multiple conflict settings. One historic accountability issue: co-founder took a bribe in Bosnia in 1995, discovered in 2001. War Child's response — public acknowledgment, policy reform — is the appropriate model. Assessed on response quality, not scandal existence.
Independence8.5Strong individual donor base. No significant US government funding dependency. The Alliance restructure is funded by the constituent national chapters, not government grants. Supervisory Board provides independent oversight. Clear independence policy: "obligation not to support any armed actor, regardless of their position in a conflict."
Counterfactual7.5Moderate. War Child is generally well-funded relative to its current capacity. The Alliance restructure is partly designed to expand capacity, which means there is room for new donations to fund new programming — but the core operations are not in crisis-level underfunding the way UNRWA is.
Alignment8.0Child protection in conflict is directly aligned with our position on who bears the greatest cost of wars initiated by states. No regime-support issues. Advocacy on the harm of armed conflict to children is explicitly anti-militarist in practice if not in rhetoric.
War Child UK Annual Report 2023 War Child Netherlands Annual Report 2023 Charity Intelligence Canada — War Child Canada 2024 War Child Alliance formation announcement 2024 Wikipedia — War Child (history and accountability)
Profile 06 / 06

PAX — For Peace

#6 ranked · Highest alignment score · Works the political project
PAX for Peace
Stichting Vredesbeweging PAX · Founded 1948 · Utrecht, Netherlands
7.4
/10
Weighted overall
🌍 Netherlands · Middle East · Global
Peace-building · Disarmament · Arms accountability
Est. 1948 · Largest Dutch peace org
PAX is the only organisation on this list that works the political project directly. While MSF, ICRC, and others manage the consequences of militarism, PAX challenges the systems that produce these wars — arms trade accountability, civilian harm documentation, conflict prevention, and disarmament advocacy.

PAX is the largest peace organisation in the Netherlands, a merger of IKV (Interchurch Peace Council) and Pax Christi Netherlands. In 2023 it had total income of €17.7 million and invested €0.86 of every euro directly in peace efforts, research, lobbying, and campaigns — with only €0.14 on operations and fundraising.

PAX's work on this conflict is directly relevant: it successfully sued the Netherlands in 2024 for continuing to export F-35 parts to Israel, winning a landmark Dutch Court of Appeal ruling. It has published research on European and American financial institutions funding arms companies supplying weapons to belligerents. It also recently published work on which European banks were financing the US arms complex involved in Operation Epic Fury.

The tradeoff: PAX has less field access than the medical and humanitarian orgs. Counterfactual impact is harder to measure for advocacy work. But it is the only organisation here that is genuinely trying to prevent the next Operation Epic Fury, not just treat its consequences.
Efficiency
7.2
×1
Efficacy
7.0
×1.5
Access
6.5
×1.5
History
7.8
×1
Independence
9.0
×2 ★
Counterfact.
7.5
×1.5
Alignment
9.5
×1
Efficiency7.286 cents per euro to peace work in 2023. This is a strong ratio for an advocacy and research organisation. The 2023 Annual Report notes depleted financial reserves — PAX has been spending reserves to maintain programme levels, which is a warning sign that requires monitoring.
Efficacy7.0Advocacy and legal outcomes are harder to quantify than beds or surgeries. The F-35 ruling is a concrete, documented win. Arms accountability research has influenced policy in multiple EU countries. But the causal chain from donation to outcome is longer and less direct than humanitarian orgs.
Access6.5PAX works through partner organisations in conflict zones rather than field operations. Access to Iran or active conflict areas is indirect. The access score reflects this — PAX is not an operational humanitarian org and should not be assessed on those terms, but it still limits the dimension score.
History7.875 years of operation, rooted in post-WW2 European peace movement. Strong accountability through Supervisory Board model. ANBI (Dutch public benefit) recognised, tax-transparent. No major scandals. The 2024 legal win on F-35 exports is the most recent high-water mark.
Independence9.0Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs is a listed donor, which creates some government dependency. But PAX's willingness to sue its own government's export licensing decisions is the most powerful evidence of actual independence you can have. Funders include the National Postcode Lottery, Sigrid Rausing Trust, and Open Society Institute — diverse, progressive, non-belligerent.
Counterfactual7.5Reserve depletion noted in 2023 report means PAX has been underfunded and individual donations directly sustain programming. Advocacy and legal work does not attract the large institutional grants that go to emergency medical orgs — there is genuine room for individual donation leverage here.
Alignment9.5Highest alignment score in the set. PAX explicitly challenges the arms trade, documents civilian harm, advocates for disarmament, and has sued its own government over weapons exports. This is the closest operational overlap with our editorial mission of any org on this list. If you want your donation to go toward preventing the next war, not just managing this one, PAX is the pick.
PAX Annual Report 2023 PAX — Support page (financial breakdown) Dutch Court of Appeal — F-35 ruling, February 2024 PAX — European banks arming Israel report, 2025 NGO Monitor — PAX Netherlands profile
Transparency · Who we didn't include

Six orgs we excluded

These organisations were considered and excluded. This is not a claim that they do bad work in general. It is an explanation of why they do not meet our specific criteria for this specific conflict. The distinction between "doesn't fit our framing" and "does bad work" is stated explicitly for each.

USAID-adjacent NGOsStructural capture A large class of international NGOs receive 40–80% of their funding from USAID or US State Department. In a US-initiated conflict, this creates unresolvable independence problems. These organisations may do excellent work in non-US-initiated crises. But when the US is a primary belligerent, orgs structurally dependent on US government funds cannot meet our independence threshold. This is not a criticism of their operational quality — it is a structural observation about funding dynamics.
National Red Crescent SocietiesInconsistent independence Several National Red Crescent Societies operate as de facto government agencies in their home countries — the Iranian Red Crescent Society and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent are the most relevant examples for this conflict. This is why the ICRC (listed above) and National Societies are different things. The ICRC has an independent mandate under the Geneva Conventions; individual National Societies have highly variable independence profiles. We list the ICRC; we do not blanket-recommend National Societies.
World VisionAlignment concerns World Vision is a large, effective humanitarian organisation. It is excluded because its primary donor base is US evangelical Christian communities with documented political ties to the Republican foreign policy establishment — the same political alignment that initiated and supports Operation Epic Fury. This creates alignment concerns, not a claim of operational failure. If alignment with our editorial position is not important to your giving decision, World Vision may well be appropriate for your circumstances.
Direct ReliefNeutral, not aligned Direct Relief is among the most financially efficient humanitarian organisations in the world — consistently rated #1 by Charity Navigator on financial metrics. It is excluded because it has no political independence profile. It does not take positions on who is causing harm or challenge the systems producing the crises it responds to. This is a deliberate organisational choice, not a failure. But it means Direct Relief does not fit the framing of this page. No criticism of the organisation's operational work whatsoever.
Save the Children (US chapter)Government funding The US chapter receives significant government funding including via USAID mechanisms, placing it below our independence threshold. This exclusion is chapter-specific. Save the Children UK and Save the Children International operate with different funding structures and different independence profiles. If you are a non-US donor, the international chapters may well meet the threshold; research the chapter in your country.
OxfamNear-miss · Under review Oxfam is the closest near-miss on this list. Strong mission alignment, significant history of challenging Western government foreign policy, documented anti-militarist advocacy. Excluded at this time for two reasons: (1) documented government funding exposure that puts independence score below our threshold for the weighted formula; (2) the 2018 Haiti sexual exploitation scandal and the subsequent accountability questions — not because the scandal disqualifies Oxfam, but because the quality of the accountability response has been disputed. We may re-include Oxfam in a future review with updated independence and accountability data.
Editorial disclaimer

What this page is and isn't

Read before donating
This is editorial assessment, not financial advice. We are a data journalism project, not financial advisors, charity evaluators, or legal entities. Nothing on this page should be treated as a regulated financial recommendation.
We receive no payment or benefit from any organisation listed here. No referral income, no affiliate links, no sponsorship, no institutional relationship. If that changes, it will be disclosed immediately and prominently.
Do your own research. Annual reports, IRS Form 990s (for US entities), and IATI data are all publicly available. We have published our sources and methodology so you can check our working or reach different conclusions.
Scores will be updated. Conflict conditions change. Funding profiles change. We commit to reviewing these scores as significant new information becomes available. Last reviewed: March 2026.
Our editorial position shapes this page. We are anti-militarist and pro-sovereignty. The Independence and Alignment dimensions explicitly reflect this. If you disagree with our framing, recalculate using only the other five dimensions — the rankings shift only slightly.